Britain Never Again Dared Treaty of Ghent
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The Smashing Lakes… 84% of the continent's fresh h2o… a unlike story in every drop.
Past LeeAnne Gordon
This year marks the outset of bi-centennial celebrations commemorating the War of 1812, bringing new attention to the conflict which greatly shaped the cultural geography of the Smashing Lakes, likewise as the rest of the land. Little has been written, how- ever, near the catamenia immediately after the war, when the United States and Canada struggled to put aside the conflicts and come to peace with 1 another. On the Neat Lakes today, we have the opportunity to observe that peace, found in the navigable waters that class the edge in our region. Information technology is advisable, so, that the subject of post-state of war relations can exist viewed in the history of two vessels, Tecumseth and Newash, built by the Royal Navy in the months following the Treaty of Ghent, which sailed for less than 2 years before beingness retired in favor of peaceful relations.
The Treaty of Ghent formally ended hostilities betwixt the United States and Groovy United kingdom of great britain and northern ireland when it was signed on December 24, 1814. Peace between the United States and Great Britain had been under negotiation in Europe for some fourth dimension, but officers on the Cracking Lakes frontiers knew peace was easier to achieve in a document than on a gundeck. Along the Great Lakes frontier, neither country was entirely set up to abandon the military machine vessels and outposts that had been constructed and populated during the war. American desires to conquer Canada had manifested themselves in several unsuccessful American raids into territory north of the border. The British had managed to repulse each invasion with the aid of native tribes. Still, the British were not eager to leave the frontiers undefended, particularly those along the Smashing Lakes, which offered an easy passage into Canadian lands.
In early 1815, Edward William Campbell Rich Owen had inherited a precarious perch as the Royal Navy'due south Senior Officeholder of all troops in Canada, stationed at Kingston, Ontario. E.W.C.R. Owen'southward jurisdiction included the Canadian shores of the Saint Lawrence River, the lakes Ontario, Erie, and Huron and the waters between. He was responsible for overseeing operations on naval ships along those waterways, and for coordinating with British troops in the adjacent regions. The Treaty of Ghent had promised both nations gratis navigation of the waters along the borders, even while the verbal location of the border had not yet to be determined.
The close proximity of a sometime enemy was an unusual state of affairs for the British. Cut off as the British Isles were from the rest of Europe, the Royal Navy was more familiar with having vast expanses of open water separating them from aggressors. The comparatively modest size of the Great Lakes, all the same, gave the British opportunity to keep close scout on American activities, merely also left them exposed to American activities. Provisions in the Treaty of Ghent returned any occupied lands back to their antebellum condition, but said zip of the manner in which lands could be dedicated. The British felt that maintaining naval vessels on the water was necessary to go along Americans from encroaching again into Canada. As natural geographic features — such as the Niagara River — prevented like shooting fish in a barrel navigation along the entirety of the Great Lakes frontier, information technology was necessary to maintain multiple military machine establishments, despite the difficulties of keeping them informed and supplied.
The Boxing of New Orleans has ever been an ironic postscript to the War of 1812, fought after the treaty ending the war had been signed, only before news had spread. New Orleans was not, all the same, the last place to receive news of peace. Lieutenant Colonel Robert McDouall, commander at Fort Michilimackinac at the far cease of Lake Huron, received word of the Treaty of Ghent on eleven May 1815.one This was nearly five months later on the treaty had been signed, and a full ii months afterward a letter containing the news had been dispatched. News was not the just thing that traveled slowly on the Lakes, and as the British were not willing to leave Canada undefended, the Royal Navy was presented with a new mission of provision transportation and peacekeeping.
The problem of transporting stores was greatest in Upper Canada, especially in reaching the fortifications at the far finish of Lake Huron.
Due east.W.C.R. Owen determined to build a small number of transport vessels. Afterwards some consideration, Due east.W.C.R. Owen determined that 2 send schooners would exist constructed on Lake Erie for service on both lakes. The lateness of the season concerned the Commodore. In a letter of 6 April 1815, E.West.C.R. Owen wrote, "I intend no longer to filibuster it, and volition take immediate measures with the Commissioner for building on some user-friendly situation, a couple of precipitous vessels."2
Construction was led past Robert Moore, assistant shipwright at the Kingston thou, and he and a political party of shipwrights and artificers departed for Lake Erie. With no extant shipyard on the lake, a suitable place had to be located before piece of work could begin. The eventual site was located forth the Niagara River, most the entrance to the Chippewa River. The mouth of the Chippewa River was blocked by the hulls of 2 schooners that had been scuttled in that location in 1814. Plans were made to raise and re-fit these schooners to act as transports besides. A nearby farm, owned by the Street family, provided adequate land for a temporary shipyard and woods was harvested from local resources along the rivers.
The proximity of the farm to the Chippewa River allowed shipwrights to piece of work simultaneously on the schooners that were raised and the two new schooners. These were named Huron and Sauk, outfitted in the late spring and early on summer of 1815, and put to immediate use transporting supplies on Lake Erie. For the new vessels, E.W.C.R. Owen specified, "2 stout vessels of nigh 130 tons each,"three though the ships would actually be slightly larger. He offered names for the ships: "I suggest to proper name them Tecumseth and Newash from ii friendly Indian Chiefs."iv Tecumseth, besides spelled Tecumseh, was a Shawnee warrior who resisted the encroachment of the Us into Indian lands. Later a British ally, he was killed in the Battle of Moraviantown in 1813. Newash was an Ojibway principal and British ally too.
Construction draft for Newash and Tecumseth, prepared by Shipwright Robert Moore. (Public Tape Office, Admiralty Fonds, ADM, Reg. No. 4562, Box 64.)
Robert Moore'southward draughts of the ii schooners congenital at Street's Farm was made on 23 Apr 1815, every bit a programme for the ensuing construction. Every bit fatigued, the schooners were 166 12/94 tons burthen, almost 25% larger than Owen'due south original orders. The draught shows they were 70 feet half-dozen inches on deck, with an farthermost breadth of 24 anxiety v inches. The ships drew half-dozen feet of water frontwards and 9 feet aft. The drawing of the vessels shows that they were purpose-built, able to bear supplies and provisions, simply also envisioned to serve as warships should the demand arise.
Owen wrote that the schooners were to be, "adapted to receiving guns and acting every bit Men of War at any time hereafter if information technology shall be necessary."vi Two 24-pounder long guns were mounted abaft the foremast on pivots, to maximize versatility and two 24-pounder carronades were placed on carriages trailing the mainmast. The determination on whether or not to conduct the weapons was left to their commander. Captain William Bourchier, placed in command of the Lake Erie vessels, was instructed that, "such of the Guns every bit yous think proper may be left on shore."7 Complements of the vessels were reduced from typical wartime numbers, only the sailors were trained equally soldiers as well. Owen instructed that, "the Seamen are to be exercised and trained to the use of Pocket-sized Arms, the same as the Marines; one one-half of the Seamen of each Are to be armed with Muskets, and the residue with Cutlass, Superhighway and Pistol."eight
Deck layout of Tecumseth and Newash, showing placement of pivot guns and carronades. (Public Record Role, Admiralty Fonds, ADM, Reg. No. 4562, Box 64.)
The keels of Newash and Tecumseth were laid in the center of May 1815, and structure continued at a brisk footstep in the following months. Newash and Tecumseth were launched on xiii August 1815, their interiors whitewashed and the hulls painted black and xanthous above the waterline. The schooners were launched without any armament and without their sailing rigs, which were quickly added. The new vessels joined Huron and Sauk before the close of navigation in the 1815 season, and were just equally chop-chop immersed in the tense postwar climate.
In Oct 1815, Newash, nether the command of Lt. Thomas Bushby, was sailing amongst the islands at the western terminate of Lake Erie. Onboard was the commander of Sauk, returning to his vessel, which was lying off Amherstburg. Newash's crew observed a minor schooner apparently coming from the Detroit River, and Bushby attempted to hail her, seeking news on Sauk. The incident, seemingly harmless from Bushby'southward perspective, incited a fury of words and activity across the edge.
Bushby's account of the incident states:
"On my passage from Fort Erie to Amherstburg…I met a Schooner on the Due north.W. Side of Middle Island at which I fired a musket, she hoisted American Colours, as she did non shorten sail nor attempt to pass within hail, I fired some other, she and then brought to and hoisted her boat out, I then tacked and hove to close to her and desired her to send her boat on lath…Master came on lath, afterward having inquired where she came from, where she was spring, and whether she had passed whatever Men of War at Amherstburg I told the Chief he might proceed."ix
The American schooner was named Mink and was said to accept been in the utilize of the British Commissariat. The incident made a distinct impression on at least i rider aboard Mink at the time. Shortly after the schooners' run into, an editorial appeared in the Niagara Periodical. The editorial was informed by the events witnessed by the rider aboard Mink, although it contained a very different description of the incident than that recorded past Lieutenant Bushby.
" 'British Outrage!'
'The American Schooner Mink, Captain Hammond, on her Passage from Detroit to Buffalo, when passing the British Armed Schooner Nawash, [sic] Lieut. Drury, [sic] on the onest Instant, near Ballast Island, about two Miles [—km] from Put-in-Bay, was fired upon by the Schooner without being hailed, or receiving the least other previous intimation.
"–The shot passed just over the Bowsprit of the Mink.– Helm Hammond immediately hoisted American Colors supposing that to be the object of the British.– Another shot was and then fired from the Schooner, which passed through the foresail of the Mink, non four feet from where the Passengers were standing on the Deck.–
"Captain Hammond so brought his Vessel to, although at that place was smashing danger in doing it, of falling on the Breakers.
"–The British Commander ordered him to send his Boat on board the Nawash [sic]– the Boat was accordingly got out, and Helm Hammond went aboard.–
Afterwards making a number of trifling inquiries relative to the News at Detroit, and the Passengers he had aboard, the British Officeholder ordered him to return to his Vessel, without assigning any reason for his outrageous Acquit!' "10
The unnamed editorialist was doubtlessly annoyed by the incident, and may have presumed that the Mink had been brought to then that Bushby could search for British deserters. Seen from that light, the Newash-Mink incident touched on the nonetheless-tender subject of British impressment of American citizens. The matter of impressment had been 1 of the cardinal aggravations that led the American government to declare war confronting the British in 1812. Americans perceived the issue as a threat to their national sovereignty and the consequence was peculiarly sensitive to the Americans. President Thomas Jefferson, writing just every bit he received word of the peace, noted, "I am glad of information technology, although no provision being fabricated against the impressment of our seamen, it is in fact just an armistice, to exist terminated past the kickoff human activity of impressment com- mitted on an American citizen."eleven
The matter of British and American relations on the Swell Lakes weighed heavily on the mind of E.W.C.R. Owen and his successor, brother W.F.W. Owen. In late 1815, Eastward.W.C.R. Owen wrote of his concerns regarding, "how much the authorisation of Government and Justice is weakened past its distance from the seat of the Government, by the irregularity and difficulty of communication and the want of a Superintending power immediately at manus."12 He wanted to strengthen the British presence in Canada, and maintain a military superiority over the Americans. "To this we may impute in some degree the growth of American feeling and Connexion [sic] which will crave a firm and steady hand to wean them from, and prove to them (as is the fact) that the Interest of that portion of the United States which borders on the Lakes is much more in our easily, than that of the British Colonists can be in theirs."13
W.F.Due west. Owen was understandably concerned over the state of diplomacy between the two countries. He pointed out that, "the recent occurrances [sic] on the more distant parts of the Frontier [have] so much the character of Enmity [sic] and so picayune of a Pacific disposition."xiv The governments in London and Washington may take been ready for peace, but the atmosphere of amity was not yet present on the Great Lakes frontier.
The next years for Tecumseth and Newash were more affected by diplomacy than anything else. Both vessels continued to sail the waters of Lakes Erie and Huron, usually in company with each other. The British officers who allowable squadrons on the lakes of Canada, and some of the men who worked under them, were used to warfare. These men had come up of age steeped in the Napoleonic wars in Europe and were offered their own commands during the War of 1812. Role of the reason for some of the potentially volatile acts on the frontier may be that they simply did not know how to be officers at peace. W.F.W. Owen described the task of transporting stores as, "a Service and then essentially dissimilar from our usual employment."fifteen
Additionally, the Great Lakes put these officers into a very unique position. The Treaty of Ghent secured the rights of both nations to navigate the waters of the Lakes freely. While assuasive for increased trade and open commerce, this provision likewise resulted in an increment in smuggling. On Lake Erie, Captain Bourchier encountered this situation directly and felt obliged to take on the task of enforcing revenue laws on Lake Erie.
At both ends of the lake, American territory was at extremely close proximity and the unguarded expanses of Lake Erie immune plentiful opportunities for illegal merchandise and smuggling. Bourchier was certainly aware of the lake's legacy and the extant sentiments on the belatedly war. Bourchier wrote of his assignment, "I am well enlightened nosotros are placed on Lake Erie, on a very ticklish footing."16 Finding the four schooners under his command the only royal say-so on Lake Erie, Bourchier determined to apply his authority to support the government of Upper Canada. West.F.W. Owen seemed to support Bourchier'due south decision and wrote to non-naval officials for verification.
"[Captain Bourchier] has directed His Majesty's Naval Officers to aid and support the Government of this Province in the execution of the Revenue laws, information technology being notorious that smuggling is carried on to very slap-up extent…The prevention of smuggling would exist a directly object of pursuit to engage the attention of the Naval Service on the Lakes and would operate more than than whatsoever other regulation to bring it to perfection, by insuring to its Officers the best local knowledge and most fitting experience ….I would enquire for you to allow Officers, Boats and Crew to carry out these duties…and also that nosotros be furnished with…the acquirement laws and Declension regulations."17
Westward.F.Due west. Owen did admit that he was "not aware how far the Laws of Great United kingdom apply in such a case to this Province," but was surprised by what he received in response. Governmental regime in Upper Canada felt that the current civil authority was sufficient for the enforcement of its own laws, and refused to grant such authority to the Royal Navy. Darcy Boulton, Attorney General, elaborated: "The British Statutes are confined to the Sea…only in this part of the World, I am of the opinion that the Navy can have no Dominance in times of Peace, unless Authorized by an Deed of Parliament…Vessels of the Usa…may pass unmolested, unless directed past the [Customs] Collector."xviii
Expanse nigh Amherstburg and Bois Blanc Island, at the oral cavity of the Detroit River. Modern navigation channels are located on both sides of the island, with upbound com- mercial traffic passing east of the island and downbound traffic passing to the west
Lake Erie is connected to Lake Huron by ii rivers, the Detroit and Saint Clair, and a small lake, Lake Saint Clair. Several islands in the two rivers were still disputed subsequently the end of the war. Amongst these was Bois Blanc Isle, near the British depots at Amherstburg and Fort Malden. A pocket-sized channel separated Bois Blanc Island from the mainland of Canada. Another channel on the western side of Bois Blanc Isle as well offered acceptable passage for vessels, and Bourchier considered the edge to prevarication there. The British viewed Bois Blanc Island as their territory, and Bourchier felt that if the mainland and offshore island were British, then the aqueduct between them was under royal jurisdiction. Bourchier may non have received Westward.F.W. Owen's communication on the part of the Imperial Navy when he issued a exact order on 31 May to board and search all vessels transiting the aqueduct off Amherstburg. He delicately clarified his position in a written order issued almost two months after: "Herewith yous volition receive a chart of the river Detroit which has not been finished. Y'all will ascertain the soundings between the Island of Bois Blanc and the U.S. Should there be eleven anxiety [iii.38m] water you will board all vessels passing through the Port of Amherstburg."19
The Lieutenants commanding Tecumseth and Newash began halting vessels so they could board and search them, which quickly piqued American interests. The goings on of some vessels, such as the American schooners Ghent and Brock, were recorded in logbooks and transmitted between vessels. Ghent was suspected of housing British deserters and had been boarded in Buffalo. Another particular boarding incident involved the American brig Union.
While transiting the Detroit River, the American brig Wedlock had sailed into the passage east of Bois Blanc Isle. H.M. Schooner Tecumseth brought the brig to, boarded and searched her. Though the incident did not appear to disturb the master of the Union, an irate passenger brought the matter to the government's attention. The passenger's story claimed that the British naval officer was, "supported by the Officer at [Fort] Malden, who drew out some pieces of cannon, and placed them in a situation to bear upon the American Vessel."20 Major Berwick, commanding officer at Fort Malden, formally denied this charge. Lieutenant Kent, in control of Tecumseth, did non experience that any indignity had been offered the other officers, every bit "they take ever been treated as the subjects of a Nation at Amity with His Majesty."21
Different the British, the Americans did not consider either Bois Blanc Island or the Port of Malden as British, and saw no reason to avert either aqueduct. Michigan Governor Lewis Cass viewed the channel equally, "the usual Channel of advice between Lakes Erie [and] Huron."22 Cass's opinion of the boarding of the brig Matrimony was that the state of affairs warranted Washington's attention.
"In an aggression like this the Government of the United States can alone determine what form the accolade [and] interest of the Nation require should exist taken. Merely until their conclusion shall exist made upon the subject, it becomes my duty to remonstrate against a practice for which the Laws of Nations afford no pretence, which is inconsistent with the relations existing between our corresponding Governments, [and] the continuance of which must be attended with serious [and] important consequences."23
The example of the Union and of the deportment on Lake Erie was brought to the attending of British Minister Plentipotentiary Charles Bagot, in Washington, D.C. Bagot was already involved in negotiations over the finer postal service-state of war details, such as the number and size of the naval force on the Great Lakes. Bagot may have agreed with other Royal Navy authorities who felt that Bourchier had overstepped the bounds of his authority, and had concerns on the effect that Bourchier's deportment would have on Anglo-American relations. Captain William Baumgardt wrote to Bourchier: "It is to be regretted that you should always decree it necessary without reference to your commanding officer to adopt such measures every bit may in their operation, compromise the skillful understanding of the two Nations."24
The Rush-Bagot Agreement
Negotiations had been underway since the signing of the Treaty of Ghent as to the state of affairs between the naval powers. Charles Bagot had been in communication with and so Secretary of Land James Monroe throughout much of 1815 and 1816. Monroe and the rest of the American authorities felt that naval power should be severely express on the Great Lakes, every bit "[maintaining] on the Lakes a large Naval Force, it would betrayal both [nations] to considerable and useless expence [sic] while information technology would multiply the risks of collision between them."25
Forth those lines, John Quincy Adams, one of the American negotiators at Ghent, had proposed a drastic reduction of forcefulness from both sides. Adams' proposal called for "ane vessel on each of the Lakes [less than or equal to] 100 tons burthen with one 18-pdr gun, [and] none on Lake Champlain."26 Though this proposal was made shortly afterward the peace, British authorities avoided like-minded to whatsoever arrangement for several months. The British, especially Captain W.F.Westward. Owen, felt that conceding to the U.s.' request to limit both countries to the same number and size of vessel would place the British at a disadvantage in N America and get out Canada peculiarly vulnerable to American encroachment: "[To] reduce our armed forces to a level with what they may without endangering their rubber reduce their to, would be to reduce ourselves as much below their actual strength as their Physical strength and attainable resources exceed ours."27
American invasions of Canada during the State of war of 1812 left the British wary of reducing their naval strength in areas where Canada was weak. Due west.F.W. Owen wrote of his fears regarding the potential result of such a scenario. Without a standing naval force, he felt, it would cost exorbitant rates to ship men and stores. He as well foresaw future problems with a lack of noesis of the waterways.
This would force the British to employ "American subjects on near every occasion, which would not simply operate to cramp the industry [and] exertions of this baby colony, but would foster [and] attend a race of people, who in our ain employment, would acquire the most authentic knowledge to be applied against u.s. in the event of a future war; whilst on the other paw we should exist left in emergency to exist defended by the resources [and] Men of the mother country at a hundred fold rate of expense equally was the case during the late War."28
Instead of a reduction of naval force that would place each land on par with the other, the British government proposed a gentlemen'south agreement. Optimistically trusting the new spirit of amity betwixt the two countries, Britain suggested that each nation reduce its naval force to the minimum required to perform the requisite duties. This would permit both nations "to act in a spirit of mutual conviction without shackling either by any precise stipulations."29 The American feeling prevailed — unless the numbers of ships on the Lakes was drastically reduced and express, there would be more than opportunity for conflicts betwixt the two nations.
American negotiations mentioned the actions of Helm Bourchier on Lake Erie and the British had little recourse. Fifty-fifty his boyfriend British officers had judged Bourchier's actions overly zealous and unnecessary. In spite of West.F.West. Owen's agreement with some of Bourchier's policies and the fact that enforcement of revenue laws was eventually granted to the naval force, the style in which Helm Bourchier had pursued his form left the British no point from which to argue. One zealous officer could shatter the breakable façade of peace with the right opportunity. On 2 Baronial 1816, James Monroe drafted a new arrangement of reduced naval force that would somewhen be accepted by both nations. The final agreement was signed by Charles Bagot and American Richard Rush. Each nation would retain i vessel on Lake Ontario of no more than than 100 tons burthen, with 1 eighteen-pdr gun; two like vessels with like armament on the Upper Lakes; and one like vessel with like armament on Lake Champlain. Monroe's proposal further stated that:
"all other armed vessels on those Lakes shall exist forthwith dis- mantled, and likewise that neither shall build or arm any other Vessel on the shores of those Lakes…That the Naval Force thus retained past each political party on the Lakes, shall be restricted in its duty to the protection of its Revenue laws, the transportation of troops and goods, and to such other services as will in no respect interfere with the armed vessel of the other parts."30
The Rush-Bagot agreement disarmed the Great Lakes and rendered Newash and Tecumseth obsolete. Even without their 24-pounder guns, the hulls were larger than 100 tons. Each vessel was to be laid upward, stripped of her guns and nigh of her other equipment, and left at anchor. Penetanguishene Bay, on Lake Huron, was called equally the retirement home for the ii hulls, and they arrived there on eighteen June 1817, simply a few weeks after the Rush-Bagot Understanding had been passed and signed. The sails were loosed 1 last time to dry, then unbent from the yards, booms, gaffs and stays. Each of the masts was brought down and the smaller spars were laid on the decks. The ships were moored with iron cables, and the pennants were hauled downwardly at sunset on 30 June 1817.
Newash and Tecumseth both vicious into disrepair and somewhen sank at the harbor in Penetanguishene Bay. In the 1950s, archaeological investigations of the harbor led to the raising of the hull of Tecumseth, which is on brandish at Discovery Harbour (Havre de la Dècouverte) along with a sailing replica in Penetanguishene, Ontario.
The curt sailing careers of Tecumseth and Newash offering tremendous insight into a perplexing, if brief, flow in Great Lakes history as the inhabitants adjusted to life as peaceful partners rather than combatants. There remains no standing navy on the Slap-up Lakes, though the Rush-Bagot agreement has been altered somewhat since its original conception. Both the The states and Canada use sites on the Lakes equally training centers for naval personnel. Coast Guard stations have also been set up up on both sides of the border, just serve as bases of security and law enforcement, rather than armed services posts. Until 2001, the bulk of Coast Baby-sit vessels were armed in compliance with the treaty. After September 2001, the United states of america Coast Guard chose to equip several vessels on the Lakes with large caliber weapons, every bit a measure of national security. Since this was institute to exist a policing and peacekeeping purpose, Canada conceded to the armament.
Footnotes:
1 Robert McDouall to Forster, 15 March 1815, in William Wood, Select British Documents of the Canadian State of war of 1812, vol. Three, function I, 532.
2 E.W.C.R. Owen to Drummond, 6 April 1815, PRO, Record Grouping 8, Series IC, vol. 734.
3 E.W.C.R. Owen to Croker, 19 Apr 1815. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 1/2262. four E.Westward.C.R. Owen to Croker, 19 April 1815. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM one/2262. five Draft of Schooners. PRO, Admiralty Fonds, ADM, Reg. No. 4562, Box 64.
half dozen E.West.C.R. Owen to Drummond, 4 Apr 1815. PRO, Records Group 8, Series IC, vol. 734.
7 Due east.Westward.C.R. Owen, "General Instructions for the Commander of the Naval Establishment upon Lake Erie," 12 October 1815. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM ane/2264.
viii E.Westward.C.R. Owen to the Captain Commanding the Naval Establishment at Isle Aux Noix, xv June 1815. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 106/1997.
9 Thomas Bushby to Bourchier, 9 Nov 1815. PRO, Record Grouping 8, Series IC, vol. 736.
10 Enclosed in E.W.C.R. Owen to Baker, 23 Oct 1815. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 1/2264.
xi Thomas Jefferson to Crawford, fourteen February 1815, with Postscript dated 26 Feb. "American Memory, The Thomas Jefferson Papers."
12 East.W.C.R. Owen, "Observations relative to the defence force [sic] of the Lake Frontier continued from enclosures to Letters 36, 37 and 48," five November 1815. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 1/2264.
13 E.W.C.R. Owen, "Observations relative to the defence [sic] of the Lake Borderland connected from enclosures to Letters 36, 37 and 48," 5 November 1815. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 1/2264.
fourteen Due west.F.Westward. Owen to Drummond, 17 January 1816b. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM ane/2265.
xv W.F.W. Owen to Drummond, 21 Apr 1816. LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 1/2266.
16 William Bourchier to Baumgardt, enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, five September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, War machine Group 24, Series A13, vol. 1.
17 W.F.West. Owen, "Extract of a letter from Captain [W.F.W.] Owen to Lieutenant Governor Gore, dated Kingston Naval Chiliad 21 March 1816." LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 1/2266.
18 Darcy Boulton, "Example for the Opinion of the Attourney [sic] General respecting Seizures or Searches on the Lakes in Canada by the Navy." LAC, Admiralty Fonds, ADM 1/2266.
nineteen William Bourchier to the Commanding Officers of H.M. Vessels on Lake Erie, 23 July 1816, enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, 5 September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, War machine Group 24, Series A13, vol. ane.
twenty Charles Bagot to Sherbrooke and Commodore E.W.C.R. Owen, xiv August 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military Group 24, Series A13, vol. 1.
21 Henry Kent to Bourchier, 28 July 1816, enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, 5 September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military Grouping 24, Series A13, vol. 1.
22 Lewis Cass to the Officeholder Commanding His Britannic Majesty's Schooner Tecumseth, n.d., enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, 5 September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military machine Group 24, Serial A13, vol. 1.
23 Lewis Cass to the Officer Commanding His Britannic Majesty's Schooner Tecumseth, n.d., enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, 5 September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Armed forces Group 24, Series A13, vol. 1.
24 William Baumgardt to Bourchier, 5 September 1816, enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, 5 September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military Group 24, Serial A13, vol. i.
25 James Monroe to Bagot, 2 Baronial 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military Group 24, Series A13, vol. 14.
26 James Monroe to Bagot, 2 August 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military Group 24, Series A13, vol. 14.
27 West.F.W. Owen to Baumgardt, three September 1816, enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, five September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military Group 24, Series A13, vol. 1.
28 Due west.F.West. Owen to Baumgardt, 3 September 1816, enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, 5 September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military Group 24, Serial A13, vol. one.
29 W.F.Due west. Owen to Baumgardt, 3 September 1816, enclosed in William Baumgardt to Bagot, 5 September 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military machine Group 24, Serial A13, vol. 1.
30 James Monroe to Bagot, two August 1816. LAC, Bagot Papers, Military machine Group 24, Series A13, vol. 14.
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Nearly the Author: LeeAnne Gordon was built-in in Erie, Pennsylvania, and has been a lifelong Great Lakes resident. She holds a Bachelor of Arts in English from Auburn Academy and a Main'due south in Anthropology from Texas A&Yard Academy. Miss Gordon was awarded the Association of Great Lakes Maritime History Barkhausen Award in 2009, and this article was excerpted from her entry. In addition to her academic career, she has been a tall ship crewman for the past 9 years, sailing on all five Smashing Lakes on several different vessels.
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Source: https://nmgl.org/postscript-to-the-war-of-1812-newash-tecumseth-and-us-canada-border-relations-spring-2012/
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